Officers of the ‘steel frame’ are mostly self-effacing and reluctant to record their experiences. Quite a few have come out with memoirs, but mostly in Delhi. The memoir bug is biting the reticent TN civil servants too and provides a welcome narration to glimpse five decades of unquestioned rule.
Several members of the ICS and IAS, who headed administrative departments in Delhi, have been writing memoirs. A few years ago G Ramachandran, who worked under Rajaji, Kamaraj and C N Annadurai in Tamil Nadu and prime ministers – Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai and Charan Singh – recorded his experience of Walking with Giants.
The insights of an insider
There have been several books, reports and analyses on the evolution of social reforms in Tamil Nadu. Starting in the early 20th century as an anti-Brahmin movement, it unified other castes and succeeded in ending the dominance of Brahmins. It empowered several other castes. The social movement transformed into a political movement capturing power and using that power to bring about the desired changes. The welfare plank helped place the two major Dravidian political parties- DMK and AIADMK – in power for 51 years now.
The several books were mostly written by academics and social scientists. For the first time a retired civil servant, who had the opportunity to observe the evolution of the Tamil polity through the last 50 years is offering his insights.
Narayan is the son of an illustrious technocrat K N Subbaraman, the early builder of Neyveli Lignite Corporation. He had his school days in Kolkata which flourished as an industrial metro in the 1950s and the 1960s; had collegiate education in the Madras Christian College where he was active as a leader of the college and university unions and entered the Tamil Nadu IAS cadre, right at the start of the Dravidian rule.
Narayan got his doctorate from Harvard on a sabbatical. He set up the Athena Infonomics, “a policy research and development analytics firm, with focus on strengthening the use of data and social science research to solve development and inclusive growth issues around the world,” and continues to work as a research fellow in Singapore University. Married to Rane Group’s LL Narayan’s daughter, he also has first-hand knowledge of private business. Can one ask for better credentials?
DMK Acquired political power for social reform
The book describes the social reform movement (SRM) of the Justice Party intensified under the leadership of E V Ramaswamy Naicker. EVR worked for social change through the Dravidar Kazhagam; the DMK, that split from DK, morphed the approach to acquiring political power for social reform. The author describes in detail the initial years of the DMK effectively using political power to empower the backward classes through reservation in education and government employment and a plethora of welfare schemes. Apart from drawing on his personal experience of administration at the district and state levels, Narayan has made use of material available at the state archives and also through discussions with his peers and several political leaders.
The book deals in detail with several of the flagship schemes like the three measures of rice a rupee, which evolved into an extensive and prized public distribution system.
Narayan sings paeans on the committed administration implementing the mid-day meal and nutrition schemes with dedication. MGR’s opening up higher education for private investments is analysed for its pluses and minuses. He points to the well-timed mushrooming of engineering colleges : it provided educated manpower in large numbers to manufacturing, IT and other service industries from the 1990s. Narayan also points to the business opportunities grabbed by alert politicians.
More innovative projects…
Narayan points to the instance of innovative projects that proved to be great successes. One was by Health Minister S Muthuswamy, who took the initiative to introduce the scheme to rationalise the procurement and distribution of medicines to hundreds of hospitals and public health centres; to the brilliant technocrat official, R Poornalingam, imaginatively taking the help of technology and IT to implement the scheme effectively. Alongside this appreciation, the author also points to the decline of administration indulging in corrupt practices and to extensive leakages.
The early years of the zeal for ideology and Tamil development were lost in the 1970s. MGR focused on benefits reaching children, women and the youth, building on the image he carefully cultivated in films. Under Jayalalithaa, the approach metamorphed fully to the winnability in elections with policies focused on garnering votes. Narayan also refers to archival material pointing to policies directed by the leader, orally conveyed and implemented without discussion.
The book contains a good deal of insider information. But the narration is repetitive. Several of the concepts have been told over and over again. Two long chapters on MGR’s Mid-day Meal Programme and the World Bank-aided Integrated Nutrition Programme for children, pregnant and lactating mothers and the Integrated Child Development Programme with lot of data and administrative jargon impede the narration. Tighter editing would have enhanced readability and value; yet a welcome addition to this important subject from an insider.
Dravidian years – some vignettes
Changing the social structure of the state, a large number of welfare programmes for the poor, economic performance, social indicators and creating opportunities for the disadvantaged – Tamil Nadu set an example for many other states.
Moving away from the dominance of the forward communities was achieved through adoption of welfare policies, programmes and projects.
The Social Reform Movement morphed into a political movement that gained power and political support.
From 1967 to 1976, existing institutions were revamped and a new social structure was put in place through reservations for appointments and in higher education for the backward classes.
Efficiency in administration and programme delivery was always a strength of the Tamil Nadu structure which was turned towards achieving goals more oriented towards achieving social justice and social welfare.
Programmes today are a deteriorated form of the earlier ones, administered by an even more politicised bureaucracy.
Promises that swung the votes in 2006
Karunanidhi announced that ration rice would be made available at Rs 2 per kg for all cardholders and a free color television would be given to women of every family. In addition, a free gas stove would be provided to all poor women. Free electricity would be provided to all farmers and weavers. Cooperative societies would waive all farm loans. Further, maternity assistance would be given to all mothers-to-be for six months at the rate of Rs 1000 p.m, 2 acres of free land to landless. These turned the tide against the AIADMK which was predicted to win.
Jayalalithaa ensured that her image and that of her government was visible to everyone on a daily basis. The Amma Canteens are the best example of this. The giveaways, promised once in five years during elections, were not enough and Jayalalithaa had to keep the flow of goodies coming regularly. Therefore, there were announcements every year about some scheme or the other.
Government orders are open to scrutiny in the archives which were totally eschewed during the Jayalalithaa regime. She was aware that a paper trail of reasoning and orders might be used against her and so the entire process became much more ad hoc. Announcements in the assembly were followed by orders. There would be discussions in the Cabinet without any paper trail that would end up in decisions being communicated orally.
The willingness of the administrative system to readily execute the political will, even if the political directions are for the benefit of those in power rather than for the welfare of the people, is perhaps a limitation of the Tamil Nadu system. The willingness to acquiesce to orders, even if they are partisan, is not an example of good administration.
Caste continues to be an important factor. The fallout of 50 years of striving for self-respect among the backward classes is that now over 95 per cent of the state population claims backward class status.
– From the book Dravidian Years
HYPE AND REALITY…
The Chennai International Centre (CIC) presented a discussion on Narayan’s book with another illustrious IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre, M S Srinivasan moderated by business journalist Susheela Ravindranath. Like Narayan, Srinivasan also had wide-ranging assignments in the state and Centre. He is remembered for his tenure as the TN Industry Secretary in the late 1990s when the state recorded a high rate of industrial growth. I remember in particular his leadership in the construction of the iconic Tidel Park in quick time. Sriperumbudur recorded electrifying growth. MSS was shifted to Delhi and as Secretary, Petroleum & Natural Gas, saw the KG Basin reaching peak production of natural gas – over 60 million cubic metres per day.
MSS’s comments on some of the perceptions projected by media and other sections on the Tamil Nadu’s economy deserve attention. With data, he pointed to the very modest impact of the TN’s nutritious noon-meal programme on children despite the enormous investments made as also to the hype on high economic growth recorded by the state not much higher than the nation’s.
MSS also referred to the crass politicisation of students and teachers as also to the bloating of the state’s civil service. MSS also pointed to a paradox: the Rs 30,000 crore revenue garnered from taxes on liquor impacting severely public health, even while working simultaneously on nutrition.
